Saying there can be no peace without equity, a pioneer of the House of Representatives needs numerous homicide arguments recorded against parts of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in charge of the bloodbath in Mamasapano, Maguindanao on Jan. 25.
January 25, 2015, three detachments of the first class SAF (Special Action Force) of the PNP (Philippine National Police) were sent to Tukanalipao in Mindanao – a spot accepted to be a guerilla enclave. Their central goal was to serve a warrant of rest to a high-positioning Jemah Islamiya explosives master Zulkifli Bin Hir otherwise known as Marwan and Basit Usman. Be that as it may, the SAF troops were blocked by 300 parts of the MILF (Moro-Islamic Liberation Front) and BIFF (Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters). What happened next will everlastingly be scratched in the personalities of the remaining parts of the PNP-SAF unit, which was made out of 70 extraordinarily prepared cops.
Going from incredulity to misery – on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and other informal organizations. Presently, everybody is pondering: What truly happened that day?
44 law requirement operators were mercilessly slaughtered like wild creatures.
Pres. Aquino had a change of heart. He made a 360-degree turn and portrayed the ARMM a "fizzled investigation." He then steered the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process to make an "administration peace board" that will take a seat with Moro Islamic Liberation Front agents. A "structure understanding" was marked by the board on October 2012, making a Bangsamoro self-sufficient government over a much bigger zone in Mindanao. Aquino designated Professor Miriam Coronel Ferrer supplanting Leonen as he was selected to the Supreme Court.
On the off chance that the Bangsamoro Basic Law will be established into law, nothing could stop its "self-ruling government" from creating its own particular state army, fiscal framework, police drive and even visa and movement regulations. It appears that the Bangsamoro government will tackle a parliamentary sort of government, which is a sign that it won't work inside the 1987 Constitution.
An alternate convincing reason the BBL ought to be void is that it is not the president's obligation to make an open office, for example, the Transition Commission, however the Congress'. This implies that the making of the Transition Commission is illegal, after the decision of the Supreme Court in Biraogo v. Truth Commission.
So you see? The President urging the quick establishment of the BBL implies he could be submitting an at fault infringement of the Constitution.
Presently, do you need this to happen to our nation?
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